Should Turkey Join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? Political Economy Dynamics, Handicaps and a Synthesis

dc.contributor.authorKalaycı, İrfan
dc.date.accessioned2026-04-04T13:18:53Z
dc.date.available2026-04-04T13:18:53Z
dc.date.issued2025
dc.departmentİnönü Üniversitesi
dc.description.abstractThe world has lived its golden age from the West to the East, especially in the process of integration and organisation in the triangle of ‘economy-energy-ecology (3e)’. With the fall of the Soviet Bloc (or ‘iron curtain’), economic-commercial polarisation took its place as an ideology. Like many others, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), which was formed in 1996, and is now composed of eight member states (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, India and Pakistan), has developed along a liberal-capitalist axis. The SCO indicates that the old political Cold War is over, and a new economic Cold War has begun. The main reason for the establishment of the SCO was that Russia and China wanted to reposition themselves against the US and were uncomfortable with the unipolar world order. One of the factors that makes the SCO important is that the constituent states of Russia and China are quite prepotent forces in the world economy because they are both members of the G20 and are in the BRICS group. The purpose of this study is to discuss the possible participation of Turkey, currently a Dialogue Partner, in the SCO. In favour of this can be set economic-political dynamics (large market, high economic growth based on China, security-based economy, friendly countries, new Silk Road, etc.) and disclaimers (unstable region, tacit and limited embargo on Russia, lack of democracy that threatens the economy, etc.). The drawbacks point out that Turkey should stay away from the SCO and complete the EU membership process, while the dynamics encourage Turkey’s participation in the medium term. In the meantime, the SCO, an oriental organisation, is not a substitute for the EU, which is a Western organisation, and joining the SCO should be considered as a secondary plan for Turkey. Nevertheless, if Turkey becomes a full member of the SCO (with the challenge of global conjuncture) she will have ‘completed the king's missing crown’ because—among seven world superpowers—Turkey will be defined as the ‘migration superpower’ in the integration or organisation scheme that will reshape the SCO, while China will be considered as the ‘construction superpower’ and Russia is as the ‘arms superpower’. © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2025.
dc.identifier.doi10.1007/978-981-96-6986-8_18
dc.identifier.endpage386
dc.identifier.issn2523-3084
dc.identifier.scopus2-s2.0-105026737028
dc.identifier.scopusqualityQ4
dc.identifier.startpage365
dc.identifier.urihttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-96-6986-8_18
dc.identifier.urihttps://hdl.handle.net/11616/107985
dc.identifier.volumePart F5005
dc.indekslendigikaynakScopus
dc.institutionauthorKalaycı, İrfan
dc.language.isoen
dc.publisherSpringer
dc.relation.ispartofSustainable Development Goals Series
dc.relation.publicationcategoryKitap Bölümü - Uluslararası
dc.rightsinfo:eu-repo/semantics/closedAccess
dc.snmzKA_Scopus_20250329
dc.subjectBRICS
dc.subjectDynamics
dc.subjectHandicaps
dc.subjectPolitical economy
dc.subjectSCO
dc.subjectTurkey
dc.titleShould Turkey Join the Shanghai Cooperation Organization? Political Economy Dynamics, Handicaps and a Synthesis
dc.typeBook Part

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